美台公民協會21屆年會

美台公民協會(American Citizens of Taiwan Origin, 簡稱ACTO)第21屆年會1月16日晚假Maryland州蓋城馬里歐飯店隆重舉行，仍有政商名流近三百人共襄盛舉，晚會專題演講邀請到美國第一位入閣的亞裔：前商務部長暨交通部長鋒田(Norman Y Mineta)。當晚重頭戲是頒獎典禮，傑出領袖獎頒給鋒田，傑出社區服務獎頒給磐石(AEPLOG)科技公司創辦人黃夏平。今年的優秀學生獎除了原有的高中生外，新增大學生名額，獎學金金額也增加了；高中生每人可獲500元，大學生每人可獲獎學金一千元。會長王淑昭(中)與全體得獎學生合影(陳如媜攝)(詳細相關報導下期刊出)

十二月初台灣「三合一」選舉，國民黨表現不理想。雖然表面上馬英九怪罪「大環境」，一付非戰之罪也之心態。不過國民黨上下一片擔憂之心卻無從掩飾。大概馬英九已從「自我感覺良好」走出、而失去安全感了。只好急召他的知心「金溥聰」從美國回台擔任國民黨之秘書長。過去被政治圈形容具「鬥雞」性格的外號「金小刀」之金溥聰是否有本事穩住國民黨之失血，而以不同方式輔佐馬英九，國民黨內外也有不同之看法。他就任秘書長已一個月了、從他的作風應可看出國民黨未來走向。

馬英九任命金溥聰為秘書長後，在國民黨內部就自然形成「馬金體制」，很快地這個體制就延伸至整個行政團隊了。「馬金配」讓「馬蕭配」及「馬吳配」靠邊站。有人形容金是馬的「分身」，是「地下總統」、他的影響力已凌駕吳敦義院長。在短短的一個月內，他實質上已戴了三頂帽子，即國民黨秘書長，也是總統府秘書長，也是行政院長。他的「三合一」身價是國民黨之福或禍則有待觀察。對馬英九言，金溥聰是他的安全氈，沒有他在身邊，就缺乏安全感。在私人情誼上，金溥聰具有心理治療師的功用。在施政上，金溥聰的話，他可能聽進去。由於馬英九失去民心，也讓他在國民黨內喪失威望。所以金溥聰的第一要務就是鞏固領導中心，不允許來自黨內的挑戰。金必然會以強勢貫徹馬英九的政策。為了對付來自民進黨之挑戰，金溥聰必然重施慣技，採取攻勢，製造民進黨「內部矛盾」。儘量打「混戰」，混淆政治議題，不讓民進黨取得主導及優勢。

馬英九施政的最大目標就是「終急統一」。將國民黨的「中國色彩」加重是第一步，於是先任命中國人為行政院長、監察院長及考試院長。立法院長及司法院長因無適當人選，仍由台灣人擔任。在整頓國民黨內部方面，逐步清除吳敦義及詹春柏，而以親信金溥聰操盤。如此落實由中國人全面操控的「權力核心」。馬英九、金溥及蘇起，形成之「三人幫」將主宰未來之國政。先前之「馬蘇」二人幫主導之中國事務、國防、外交及安全將擴大至黨之內部運作及重大政策推動。吳敦義及各部會首長將退居二線，聽三人幫之指示行事。第二步是完全主導中國政策，不容連戰的第二軌、宋楚瑜的第三軌及吳伯雄的第四軌搶功。只容許第一軌海基會之江丙坤聽命行事。第三步是去除反對馬英九推動親中政策之障礙，這包括不惜一切代價削弱民進黨之政治勢力。

在國民黨內，小刀一試，金溥聰就可架空吳敦義及王金平。小刀一揮，大部份之立委及黨務高層就不敢抗命。一月九日桃園縣、台東縣及台中縣立委補選失利。證明一旦馬英九光環失色，組織戰及文宣戰也救不了劣勢。二月二十七日桃園縣、嘉義縣、新竹縣及花蓮縣立委補選將是金溥聰負完全責任之第一戰。提名至輔選，金溥聰是主導操盤。從提名過程就看出金溥聰之功力了。他無法圓滿整合地方政治勢力，選前已製造內傷，國民黨陣營氣勢不佳。若227國民黨再遭挫敗，金溥聰之能力必然被質疑。在基層及民意代表反彈下，馬英九說不定再出奇招，將金溥聰與吳敦義互換位置。再推出不同版本之「馬氏改革」。國民黨三人幫雖擁有高學歷，但屬蛋頭型，平常賣弄政治語言，嚇唬小百姓尚可。但遇到須真功夫的選舉及施政，他們就窘態畢露，招數凌亂，不知為何而戰了。

金溥聰在就任前說要「少說多做」。但就職當天，他就大談選戰文宣，向黨務主管提出「媒體民主」概念。強調在選戰中，如果對手發動媒體攻勢，若不能在第一時間反擊做出回應，任對手操弄、選戰就不必打了。又自稱自己的工作定位是CEO，做不好當然要負責。可惜金溥聰不懂現代管理學，黨主席才叫CEO，黨秘書長頂多相當於COO (Chief Operation Officer，即負責日常營運)。所以他在擔任秘書長任內必會「無限擴權」、變身為名符其實的CEO，應是意料中之事。國民黨三席立委補選全軍覆沒、馬英九在第一時間不敢出面，由金秘書長在第二時間招開記者會。只說「坦然面對、記取教訓、堅持改革、大步向前」。這證明馬金的招數差不多。不認錯、認輸，避談負責，玩弄文字，敷衍交待。

不過近日金秘書長之動作已顯現他已按捺不住，將以「鬥雞」姿態重現江湖。金主導的中壢選區立委補選，因提名不當，遭黨內反彈。為了維持威信，將林香美、吳餘東開除。在地制法修正案上，跳過行政院長吳敦義及立法院長王金平，直接指揮立委溝通、不惜引發立委之肢體衝突強行過關。又環保署長沈世宏擬推動走路抽菸要罰錢，也因金秘書長介入而改變政策。又近來金秘書長至少兩次在發表談話時，直接槓上蔡英文主席。這些跡象顯示，金秘書長對付民進黨之策略，將「攻多於守」。他不必為馬英九施政之缺失辯護、補救及圓場、而直接攻擊民進黨及蔡主席。他大概認為既然馬英九施政毫無建樹，不如比爛。民進黨必須防範國民黨的暗箭及小動作，不能大意的落入他們設下的圈套。選戰文宣在候選人知名度、政策及形象差不多時，也許會發揮作用。但主帥失去民心時，文宣戰並不能挽回劣勢。民進黨不必畏懼金小刀之殺傷力，但也不能忽視它。最好的策略是集中火力，由發言人輪番質疑金溥聰。金必然樂於跳上火線反擊、忙於攻擊民進黨、就無暇管理國民黨黨務、國民黨體質必更加衰弱。

Harvard educated Ma Ying-jeou practicing
Lenin-Soviet Supremacy in Taiwan

According to the “constitution“ of the Republic of China, which was designed in China in 1947, currently Taiwan has four layers of government from township, county, province and then central government. Back then 50 years ago, the ROC had to govern China which was about 100 times larger than Taiwan with very backward means of communication. In Taiwan, and with the advanced e-communication tools, there is no need to maintain four levels of government. In 1999, Taiwan provincial government was eliminated, or frozen. According to the time table for reengineering government structures, the township government was supposed to be eliminated as well. However, historically, the township government was the bastion of Kuomintang ( KMT) power base. Earlier this year KMT proposed amendments to the act to pave the way for the formation of four new special municipalities of New Taipei City (an upgrade of Taipei County) and mergers of Taichung City/County, Tainan City/County, and Kaohsiung City/County.

Originally, the amendments which were pushed by the KMT, offered NT$45,000 monthly salaries for township councilors who would be reappointed as “advisers” for four years after the new special municipalities are formed. The public was out-raged by KMT’s blatant and greedy pork barrels. KMT relented and proposed a new rule. Under the new rules, these “advisers” will only receive attendance and transport stipends. However, the newly passed amendments allow some township chiefs meeting certain requirements to be automatically reappointed as district chiefs of the new municipalities.

President Ma Ying-jeou, who doubles as KMT chairman, ordered KMT lawmakers to hold an extraordinary session after the Legislative Yuan under the leadership of Speaker Wang Jin-pyng failed during the regular legislative session.

On January 18, 2010, KMT used it dominant majority bullied through the Legislative Yuan to ratify the latest revisions. The opposition party, Democratic Progressive Party, lawmakers, some of them replaced high-heeled shoes with athletic footwear for “the battle” when showing up in the morning, immediately launched a full assault on their KMT colleagues. Even with full court hand-and-hand combat, the amendments were passed.

In 2009 Ma and his party have lost three by elections in a row and desperately need a win to reverse their fortune. KMT has no qualm of using whatever means to achieve this end, even if it has to use party machine to intervene the authority and operation of executive branch of the government. The bully tactic KMT demonstrated in this week makes the people in Taiwan feel like the return of the old days when Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek was ruling Taiwan with his iron fists. Ma seemed very comfortable to assume Chiang’s old role to push his personal agenda with KMT majority in the Legislative Yuan and Supreme Soviet-style Rules. Unfortunately, he forgets that today’s Taiwan is not like the one ruled under KMT’s martial law. With his popularity sunk to below 30%, he may be digging a grave for himself politically by resorting to the tyranny of majority rule.