回答國際媒體提問
2024-1-10

Q1. Will Glasgow (The Australian)：

Vice President Lai, you spoke about keeping the door open to dialogue. President Tsai, when she was President-elect Tsai, also wanted to maintain dialogue with China. But that's not been possible these last eight years for various complicated reasons. What would you do differently? What might you be able to do, so that dialogue could actually happen if you're elected for four years?

賴副總統，您提到將持續敞開對話的大門。蔡英文總統當選總統時，也希望與中國保持對話，但在過去的八年中，基於各種複雜的原因一直難以實現這樣的願景。您將採取什麼不同的措施？若您當選，執政四年，您將如何實現對話呢？ 

A1. 賴清德：

Dialogue and exchange are beneficial for reducing risks in cross-strait relations. I have always advocated for replacing containment with exchange, and confrontation with dialogue, to enhance mutual peace and prosperity. During President Tsai's term, she actually extended a lot of goodwill towards China. For example, in her inaugural speech during her first term, she mentioned that her goodwill and promises towards China would remain unchanged during her leadership, and that she would not succumb to pressure nor revert to the old path of confrontation. In her second term, she publicly stated that based on the principles of peace, parity, democracy, and dialogue, she would be willing to engage in exchange and cooperation with China.

對話交流有助於降低兩岸的風險，我長期主張，應該用交流取代圍堵，對話取代對抗，增進彼此和平共榮。蔡英文總統在她的任內，其實對中國釋出了許多善意，包括她第一任期內就職演說當中就提到，未來他領導國家，對中國的善意不變、承諾不變，不會在壓力下屈服，也不會走回對抗的老路。她第二任又公開講，只要基於和平、對等、民主、對話的原則，她也願意跟中國進行交流合作。 

My position remains unchanged. As long as there is equality and dignity, I am willing to cooperate with China under the goal of enhancing the welfare of the people. However, during President Tsai's eight-year term, despite her extending much goodwill, China did not respond positively. I hope that if I am elected President, China will understand that peaceful development is a responsibility shared by both sides. Taiwan will not change its friendly stance, our hope for cooperation, and our aspiration for peaceful prosperity across the Strait. I also hope that China will realize the changes in the international situation and return to the international order, while playing an important role in maintaining peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific region.

我的立場沒有改變，只要能夠對等尊嚴，我願意跟中國在增進人民福祉的目標之下，來進行各項的合作。不過在蔡總統八年任內，雖然蔡總統釋出許多善意，但中國並沒有正面的予以回應，我希望我當選總統之後，中國也能夠體會到，和平發展是雙方都有的責任，台灣不會改變友善的立場、希望合作的立場，希望兩岸和平共榮的立場，也希望中國能夠體會到國際局勢的改變，能夠回到國際的秩序上面來，同時也扮演穩定印太和平的重要角色。

Q2. Helen Davidson (The Guardian)

Thank you for holding this press conference today. The question I wanted to ask is directed at the vice-presidential candidate, Hsiao Bi-khim. You've spoken a lot about your experience working in the U.S. as Taiwan's representative, your close ties there, and your international diplomatic experience. The DPP, as we've just heard, also holds out hope of renewing dialogue with China across the Strait. But the CCP is particularly hostile toward both of you; in particular, they've sanctioned you several times. And I'm interested in how you weigh up those two things. Does this mean that in the event of a DPP victory, a dialogue with China becomes more difficult, but that is balanced out by the close ties with the U.S.? Can you talk us through how you balance those two elements?

感謝今天召開這場記者會，我的問題是針對副總統候選人蕭美琴。您多次提及您作為台灣代表在美國工作的經歷、您與美國建立的緊密聯繫，以及在國際方面的外交經驗。正如剛才所聞，民進黨也抱持著與中國海峽對岸重新展開對話的期望；然而，中共藉由多次制裁手段，表現出對您們倆位特別明顯的敵意。我想知道您們如何權衡這兩件事，這是否意味著在民進黨勝選的情況下，雖然與中方的對話變得更加困難，但能透過與美國的緊密聯繫維持平衡？您能否向我們講解，您將如何平衡這兩項元素？

A2. 蕭美琴：

Thank you very much for this question. During my time working in Washington D.C., I established close cooperation and partnerships with our friends in the United States. We addressed many issues of mutual interest between Taiwan and the U.S., ranging from regional peace and stability to economic prosperity, as well as international participation and cooperation. There were also various exchanges in the cultural sphere between the people of both sides. A lot of work in these areas is continuously ongoing.

非常謝謝這個問題，我在華府工作期間，跟美國的朋友建立了緊密的合作跟夥伴關係，針對許多台美之間共同關係的議題，從區域的和平穩定、到經濟的繁榮，以及國際的參與合作，還有雙方人民之間交流文化的各領域的往來，有很多工作持續在進行中。 

In the process of establishing cooperative partnerships with American friends, I once proposed the concept of "Warrior-Cat Diplomacy," which entails maintaining an optimal balance among various interests, starting from Taiwan's interests and perspective. We have also built shared interests and values with the U.S. These common values include a commitment to democracy and freedom, as well as a mutual interest in regional peace, stability, and prosperity. Based on these shared values, we have been very cautious in balancing relations with both major political parties in the U.S.—the Democrats and Republicans. Although they have different ideologies and perspectives on many issues, when it comes to issues concerning Taiwan, they show bipartisan support and care about the interests and values we share.

在跟美國朋友建立合作夥伴的關係的過程當中，我曾經提出「戰貓外交」的構想，也就是需要在各方利益之間維持最佳的平衡點，以台灣的利益跟主體出發，我們跟美方也建構了共同的利益與價值。這些共同的價值包含對於民主自由的堅持，以及對區域和平穩定和繁榮的共同利益，在這些共享價值之上，我們也非常謹慎的平衡美國朝野兩黨——民主、共和兩黨，在很多議題上，雖然他們持有不同的理念、意識形態，但是就台灣的議題上，他們是不分黨派全力支持，也關心我們所共享的這些利益跟價值。 

At the same time, we are also balancing the pull of many different international forces under the objective of maintaining the status quo, striving to find the optimal balance point. As the journalist just mentioned, in terms of cross-strait relations, Taiwan is a diverse society with many different viewpoints on the political system and even the future of cross-strait relations. However, maintaining the status quo has already become an expectation of the international community for us, and it's a responsibility that both sides of the Strait need to share towards the international community and regional stability. We will continue the very responsible path of President Tsai Ing-wen, which has already gained international trust and support, to continually develop our foreign relations. This also continues the balance of international concerns that I maintained during my time working in Washington D.C., ensuring the stability of the Taiwan Strait and the ongoing stability of Taiwan's foreign relations.

同時我們也在平衡國際上許多不同的力量的拉扯，在一個維持現狀的目標之下，取得最佳的平衡點，一直是我們努力的方向。當然剛剛記者問到，在兩岸之間，我們對政治體制，甚至對於未來兩岸關係，台灣是多元的社會、有許多不一樣的觀點。但是，維持現狀已經成為國際社會對我們的期待，也是兩岸需共同承擔對國際社會、對區域穩定的責任，我們會延續蔡英文總統非常負責任、而且已經獲得國際信任跟支持的路徑，來持續的對外發展我們的對外關係，那也持續著以我過去在華府工作期間，所維持的一個對外關心的平衡感，來確保台海的穩定，以及台灣對外關係持續發展的穩定性。 

Q3. Jérémy André (Le Pointe)：It's a question for Vice President Lai: What would be your first message to European leaders who think that Taiwan's future, Taiwan's fate, is none of their concern?

這是針對賴副總統的問題：對於那些認為台灣的未來和命運與他們無關的歐洲領袖，您希望向他們傳遞的首要訊息為何？ 

A3. 賴清德：

Thank you for your question. Although Taiwan and Europe may be geographically distant, we share common values of democracy, freedom, and human rights, which holds great potential for future cooperation. Therefore, I will convey to European leaders that Taiwan is very eager to deepen progressive values and strengthen economic and trade exchanges with various European countries. At the same time, we are also ready to jointly face international issues such as climate change.

謝謝你的指教。台灣跟歐洲距離也許比較遠，不過台灣跟歐洲，通通都是享有民主、自由、人權的共同價值，未來合作的潛能是非常非常大的，所以我會向歐洲的領袖傳達，台灣非常樂意跟歐洲各個國家深化進步價值、加強經貿交流，同時也共同面對氣候變遷等國際性的議題。 

We are also very much looking forward to working together with Europe on peace in the Indo-Pacific region. In fact, the relationship between Taiwan and Europe has been continuously strengthening over the past few years. For instance, we have seen many political leaders and key societal figures from various European countries visit Taiwan for exchanges. Taiwan has also set up more offices in many European countries and cities. Additionally, Europe has been the largest source of foreign investment in Taiwan in recent years, significantly aiding Taiwan's energy transformation and economic upgrading, whether it's through energy companies or technology firms.

我們也非常期待，台灣跟歐洲可以就印太區域和平，也可以共同來努力。那其實台灣跟歐洲的關係，這幾年來持續在加強，好比說，我們可以看到歐洲許多國家的政治領袖，或者是社會的中堅份子來到台灣訪問進行交流。台灣也在歐洲許多國家或者是城市，增設辦事處；另外，歐洲也是台灣這幾年來的最大外資，不管是能源公司或者是科技公司，對台灣的能源轉型、經濟的升級，是有很大的幫助。 

Europe's technology is globally leading, and I am very much looking forward to cooperating with European countries in responding to climate change in the future. I hope that Taiwan can work together with European nations to create a win-win situation through the transition to net-zero emissions, allowing Taiwan's economy to develop further.

歐洲的科技是在全球的領先地位，未來我非常期待，在因應氣候變遷上面，台灣能夠跟歐洲國家能夠共同合作、創造雙贏，藉由淨零轉型，讓台灣的經濟能夠更進一步的發展。 

Additionally, I would like to take this opportunity to thank many European countries for publicly expressing their concern for peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific region, opposing authoritarian states that use force to change the status quo in the Taiwan Strait. They also recognize that peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait are essential elements for global security and prosperity. These appeals from European countries are of great help to Taiwan's security and peace in the Indo-Pacific. As President leading the country in the future, I would continue to strengthen cooperation and exchanges with European countries in these aspects and hope that European nations will also strengthen their relations with Taiwan.

另外，我也要利用這個機會，感謝歐洲許許多多國家，都公開表達對印太和平穩定的關切，反對威權國家用武力改變台海現狀，同時也都認定台海的和平穩定，是世界安全和繁榮的必要元素。歐洲國家的這些呼籲，對於台灣的安全跟印太的和平有莫大的幫助，未來我擔任總統領導國家，我會持續跟歐洲的國家，就這幾個面向來加強合作交流，也希望歐洲的國家也能夠跟台灣加強關係。 

Q4. 立山芽以子（TBS東京放送）：

I'd like to ask about domestic issues. Young people in Taiwan are dissatisfied with the DPP's policies on housing and employment, and their support is shifting from the DPP to other political parties. How do you respond to these young people's complaints about life, and how do you plan to address them?

我想針對內政問題提問，台灣的年輕人對民進黨政府在住房、就業等議題上的政策不滿，年輕人的支持正從支持民進黨轉向支持其他政黨。您如何回應這些年輕人對生活上的抱怨？以及如何解決？ 

A4. 賴清德：

Thank you for your question. Indeed, young people in Taiwan have expressed their dissatisfaction with housing prices and issues related to employment and education in recent years, which is something the government needs to take seriously. Like the rest of the world, Taiwan has been impacted by COVID-19. However, with the support of our citizens for the government's pandemic response, we have faced relatively less impact compared to other countries, and our overall economy has been progressing. Nonetheless, it cannot be denied that there are significant dissatisfactions among young people regarding housing, education, and employment. The government is very attentive to these issues. President Tsai Ing-wen has invested more in social issues than any president in history, and I will continue to strengthen the areas where we have not done enough.

謝謝你的指教，台灣年輕人的確對這幾年來台灣的房價，還有一些就業、就學等問題，表達他們不滿意的意見，這個就是政府要重視的地方。雖然台灣跟全球一樣，都遭逢COVID-19的衝擊，台灣在全國民眾支持政府防疫之下，相對其他的國家，其實我們受到的影響是相對少的，總體經濟也有在進步。不過不諱言，的確在居住方面、就學就業方面，年輕人的確有許多不滿意，政府也很重視這個議題，蔡英文總統是歷年來，投資社會做最多的總統，不夠的部分我會持續來加強。 

In this election, I have proposed the National Project of Hope. My goal is to establish a just and sustainable Taiwan by expanding social investments. This includes initiatives like "Raising Children Together 2.0" for ages zero to six, and "Long-term Care 3.0", aimed at alleviating the burdens of young sandwich-generation families. This approach also ensures that women don't have to leave the workforce just because they need to take care of young children or elderly parents. Additionally, I plan to promote a multi-billion-dollar fund for young people to fulfill their dreams overseas, encouraging them to step out into the international community to broaden their horizons and gain new experiences.

好比說，在這場選舉當中，我有提出國家希望工程，我要建立公義永續的台灣，會擴大社會投資，包括零到六歲國家一起養2.0，還有長照3.0，來解決年輕的三明治家庭的負擔，也讓女性不必因為要撫養小孩、照顧小孩，或是要孝順父母就必須要離開職場。另外我也會推動年輕人百億海外圓夢基金，鼓勵年輕人踏出國門到國際社會看一看、增廣見聞。 

Secondly, I will also promote educational equality. Starting this year, all junior high and high schools in Taiwan will be tuition-free. Students attending private universities can receive an annual government subsidy of 35,000 NTD. For families facing financial difficulties, meaning those with an annual income of less than 700,000 NTD, their children, whether attending public or private schools, can receive an annual government subsidy of 20,000 NTD. For families with annual incomes between 700,000 and 900,000 NTD, the government will provide a subsidy of 15,000 NTD per child per year, regardless of whether they attend public or private schools.

第二，我也會推教育平權，就從今年開始，台灣國中高中全部免學費，然後唸私立大學每一年可以得到政府的補助3萬5千塊錢。如果是家庭比較困難的，就是家庭年收入70萬以下，不管孩子念公立或私立，都可以得到政府一年補助2萬塊錢；如果家庭年收入是70萬到90萬台幣之間，政府會給每一個孩子，不管念公立或私立，一年1萬5千塊錢。 

I have also proposed three major policies for housing justice. The first is the implementation of a "Vacant Housing Tax 2.0" to cover all properties nationwide, aimed at preventing real estate speculation and excessive inflation of housing prices, thereby normalizing them. The second policy is promoting the "Youth Housing Security Plan." This initiative increases the current mortgage loan limit from 8 million to 10 million NTD, and the interest subsidy will be raised from 0.125% to 0.375%. The third policy involves promoting social housing. During President Tsai’s tenure, 200,000 social housing units were created. I hope to plan for an additional 300,000 units over the next eight years, aiming to address housing issues for young people.

另外，我也提出了居住三個政策，第一個就是囤房稅2.0，來用全國總歸戶，避免房屋炒作、拉抬房價，讓房價可以趨於正常。第二個，我也有推動青年安心成家計劃，就是把目前貸款的額度有800萬提高到1000萬，利息補貼由0.125%再增加1碼到0.375%。第三個是我會推動社會住宅，蔡英文總統任內200,000戶，我希望未來我能夠以八年為期來規劃，總共300,000戶，來解決年輕人的問題。 

In other words, the current government under President Tsai Ing-wen, has initiated social investments to address the issues of education and employment for young people. I will further strengthen and promote these initiatives, standing with the youth. My goal is to enable them to see hope in this country, to pursue their dreams, and to garner the support of the young generation for Taiwan. This will ultimately lead to a better nation.

換句話說，目前政府，蔡英文總統開始在推動的社會投資，為了要解決年輕人就學就業的問題，我會加強來推動，跟他們站在一起，讓他們在這個國家可以看見希望，然後可以追逐他們的夢想，也讓台灣得到年輕人的支持，國家可以更好。 

Q5. Kathleen Calderwood (ABC News)：

My question is for vice-presidential candidate Hsiao. I am Kathleen Calderwood from the ABC in Australia. Like Taiwan, Australia has been forging closer ties with the U.S., particularly through the AUKUS agreement. If elected, what support would your government expect from Australia in the event of military conflict with China? And in the view of your time in Washington, have you ever received assurances that close U.S. allies like Australia would join the defense of Taiwan?

我的問題是針對副總統候選人蕭美琴。我是來自澳大利亞ABC的凱瑟琳。如同台灣，澳大利亞透過AUKUS協議，持續與美國建立更緊密的關係。若您當選，若與中國發生軍事衝突，您們的政府期望澳大利亞提供什麼支持？另外，您在華府否曾經獲得澳大利亞等美國親近盟友將加入共同捍衛台灣的承諾？ 

A5. 蕭美琴：

During my time in Washington D.C., I also had the opportunity to occasionally interact and discuss with visitors from Australia. Certainly, our relations with both the United States and Australia share some common values and interests, including our commitment to democracy, freedom, and the maintenance of peace and stability. Of course, Australia is different from the U.S. in that the U.S. has the Taiwan Relations Act as a robust foundation for our bilateral relations. With Australia, there is still much room for development in our relationship.

我在華府期間，也有機會偶爾跟澳大利亞來的訪客有一些互動跟討論，當然我們對美關係跟對澳大利亞關係都一樣，有一些共享的價值跟利益，包含我們對民主自由以及和平穩定的堅持。當然澳大利亞不同於美國，就是美國有《台灣關係法》作為一個強勁的雙邊關係的基礎，跟澳大利亞我們還有很多可以發展的空間。 

In the development of our relationship with the United States, there are some issues that we also hope to further deepen with Australia. This includes the already established Global Cooperation and Training Framework (GCTF). Besides Taiwan and the United States, Australia, and Japan have become official partners in this framework, creating a platform that allows Taiwan to meaningfully participate and contribute to the international community.

我們跟美國的關係的發展的過程當中，有一些議題同時也是我們對澳大利亞所希望進一步去深化的，包含我們已經建構的 GCTF （全球合作交流架構、Global Cooperation and Training Framework），除了台灣跟美國之外，澳大利亞跟日本已經成為正式的夥伴，來搭建一個可以讓台灣有意義的參與的跟貢獻國際社會的平台。 

One of the most important objectives in the development of our foreign relations is to ensure regional stability. I believe that Australia, like us, advocates for maintaining a rules-based international order to ensure stability in the Indo-Pacific region. This is our primary goal. To achieve this goal, Taiwan believes that peace must be supported by strength. Therefore, Taiwan hopes to enhance our capabilities, including our economic and trade strength, our national defense, and the scope of our cooperation with international friends from various countries. 

我們對外關係的發展的最重要的目標之一，就是確保區域的穩定，我相信澳大利亞跟我們一樣都主張，希望維持一個以規則為基礎的國際秩序，確保印太地區的穩定這是我們最主要的目標。台灣要達成這個目標，我們主張確保和平要靠實力，所以台灣希望壯大我們的實力，包含經貿的實力、我們國防的實力，以及包含我們深化與各方國際友人共同合作的空間。 

In these areas, of course, there is room for us to continue deepening our relationship with Australia. This includes our common challenges with disinformation and the political coercion exerted by authoritarian states using economic and trade leverage. I believe everyone is aware that, apart from Taiwan facing various forms of economic coercion from China, using agricultural products and trade relationships as tools, Australia has also faced similar issues where products like wine and beef have been used as leverage. Therefore, we need to deepen our cooperation to build a framework that can reduce the possibility of such economic coercion or to defend against it, through enhanced exchanges and interactions with our democratic partners.

在這些領域，我們當然有跟澳大利亞持續深化的空間，包含我們都共同面對假訊息的侵擾，我們共同面對威權國家運用經貿上面的籌碼來威嚇脅迫，做政治性的脅迫。我相信大家都知道，除了台灣面對各種的農產品也好，或者是貿易關係，中國把這些作為經濟脅迫的工具之外，澳大利亞也曾經面臨過，紅酒、牛肉等農產品也被作為籌碼，所以我們更需要深化合作，來建構一個可以減少這樣經濟脅迫的可能性，或者是防範，透過跟民主夥伴關係更深化的交流跟往來。 

Therefore, we hope to deepen our relationship with Australia and other like-minded countries—I mention Australia specifically because the recent question was about Australia. But just like with other countries, Europe, and Japan, we believe we should deepen our trade and partnership relationships. The areas of cooperation, in addition to what Vice President Lai, our presidential candidate, mentioned, include climate change, energy transition, and energy security, as well as global efforts to prevent and control large-scale infectious diseases. We have all just experienced the century's biggest pandemic, COVID-19, and we need to collaborate to address these transnational issues. At the same time, areas like technological development are also fields where we look forward to continuing our cooperation.

所以我們期望能夠深化跟澳大利亞等理念相近國——我今天講澳大利亞，是因為剛剛的提問針對澳大利亞——但我跟其他的國家、對歐洲、對日本一樣，我們都認為應該要深化貿易跟夥伴關係。合作的領域，除了剛剛賴副總統我們的總統候選人所提到的，例如說氣候變遷、能源轉型以及能源的安全，還有對於全球的傳染性大規模的防治，我們都一樣剛歷經百年的大疫 COVID-19，我們需要共同合作來處理這些跨國性的問題；同時科技的發展等等，都是我們期待可以繼續合作的領域。 

Ultimately, the goal is, as I just mentioned, for Taiwan to strengthen our capabilities to ensure a balance across the Strait and our peace and stability. We also hope that our international partners will share our concern for the stability of our region. Of course, we have also noted that U.S. President Biden and the Australian Prime Minister, during their summit, particularly emphasized that peace and stability in cross-strait relations are indispensable to global prosperity. We have noticed such statements and their repetition in discussions among many international partners. Therefore, we believe that peace in the Taiwan Strait is a common interest for the global community. We will take responsibility and work together with everyone to maintain regional stability. Thank you.

終究，目標就是我剛剛提到台灣希望壯大我們的實力，以確保兩岸之間的均衡以及我們的和平跟穩定，也希望各國夥伴能夠跟我們共同關心我們區域的穩定。當然我們也注意到，美國總統拜登跟澳大利亞總理在高峰會過程當中，也特別注及兩岸關係的和平穩定，是全球的繁榮不可或缺的一部分；我們也注及到這樣子聲明的內容，也重複在很多國際夥伴彼此之間的討論當中。所以我們也相信，台海的和平是全球大家的共同利益，我們也會承擔責任，跟大家一起維護區域的穩定，謝謝。 

Q6. 賴佳良（朝日電視台，TV Asahi Corporation）：

Good morning, I have a question for Vice President Lai. Yesterday and today, the Chinese People's Liberation Army conducted live-fire drills in the East China Sea. Do you think this is an intervention in Taiwan's elections? What do you think is the purpose of this intervention? Also, regarding the domestic legislative elections, you have always emphasized the need for a parliamentary majority. I would like to ask, if you don't achieve a majority, what impact would that have on your governance or political situation after you are elected President?

早安，我有問題想請教賴副總統。昨天跟今天，中國解放軍在東海實施實彈射擊，您認為這是一個對台灣選舉介選嗎？那您認為這個介選的目的到底是什麼？另外就是，在國內立法院選舉的部分，您一直強調國會要過半，那我想請問的是萬一沒有過半的時候，在您當選總統之後你對於沒有過半的立法院在你的施政上或政治上有什麼樣的影響？ 

And the other question is for Ambassador Hsiao. After you win election, how do you think you will utilize your strengths in the role of Vice President to enhance Taiwan-U.S. relations and where do you see this relationship heading?

另外，我想請教一下大使，在您當選之後你認為你自己在副總統這樣的角色上是要怎麼樣去發揮你的所長，將台美關係帶向什麼樣的地方？ 

A6. 賴清德：

China intervenes in every Taiwanese election, but this time it is the most severe. They have employed a full spectrum of tactics including propaganda, military intimidation, economic means, cognitive warfare, disinformation, threats, and inducements. In this election, China is clearly using the theme of 'war and peace' to try to influence the outcome and establish a pro-China regime. The people of Taiwan are aware of this attempt by China and will use their sacred votes to exercise the power of democracy and prevent China's interference. If China's intervention succeeds, and they manage to dictate or support who gets elected, then the very essence of Taiwan's democracy would be lost. Taiwan would no longer be electing a President, but rather a Chief Executive, just like in Hong Kong.

中國每一次台灣的大選他都介入，但這一次是最嚴重，除了文攻武嚇、經濟手段、認知作戰、假消息，還有威脅利誘等等，可以說是無所不用其極。在這次的選舉裡面，中國也很明顯運用「戰爭與和平」企圖影響這場選舉，來建立一個親中的政權。台灣人民會意識到中國這個企圖，台灣人民會用手中神聖的選票，發揮民主的力量阻止中國的介入。因為如果中國介入成功，中國指定誰、支持誰那誰就當選的話，那台灣的民主就蕩然無存，那台灣就不是在選總統，就是在選特首了，就跟香港一樣。 

Secondly, I have previously served as a legislator for four terms and was also the chief of our party's caucus in the legislature. I know firsthand the challenges of pushing national policies when the ruling party is in the minority. Since the direct presidential elections began in Taiwan, there have been four presidents: Lee Teng-hui, Chen Shui-bian, Ma Ying-jeou, and now Tsai Ing-wen. Out of these four, only during the first political party transition, which was Chen Shui-bian's eight years in office, did the ruling party not have a majority. During that time, I was the chief of the legislative caucus, and pushing national policies was extremely challenging.

第二個，我過去曾經擔任過立法委員，前後有四任，也擔任黨團的幹事長，知道朝小野大國政推動不容易。台灣自從總統直選以來，李登輝、陳水扁、馬英九以及現在蔡英文四任總統，四位總統就只有第一次政黨輪替——陳水扁總統那八年是朝小野大。那時候我是立法院黨團的幹事長，國政推動非常不容易。 

Let me give you an example. At the time, Taiwan had finally obtained the agreement of President George W. Bush to proceed with military purchases from the United States. There was a list of about twenty items of weaponry, and among them, I remember three were particularly important: four Kidd-class destroyers, eight submarines, and twelve P-3C Orion anti-submarine aircraft. However, in the KMT-led parliament, the legislative committee blocked the discussion of this military procurement 69 times in total, preventing it from being put on the agenda. In the end, this military procurement came to nothing.

我舉個例子來講，當時台灣好不容易得到小布希總統的同意，要來跟美國進行軍事採購，那是有一張清單，大概一二十項武器項目，其中我記得有三項是非常重要的，包括四艘紀德級的驅逐艦、八艘潛水艇、12架P-3C反潛機。但是在國民黨主導的國會，前後在程序委員會裡面擋了69次，不讓這個軍事採購排入議程討論，最後這個軍事採購無疾而終。 

This example shows that if a situation where the ruling party is in the minority occurs again, Taiwan will face significant difficulties in addressing China's challenges, global digital and net-zero transitions, and solving many major domestic issues. As the chairman of the Democratic Progressive Party and the presidential candidate, I have no other choice but to give my all. It's not just about winning the presidential and vice-presidential election with a high vote count; it's crucial for the legislature to have a majority. I will clearly report to the national public the impact and consequences on Taiwan if the legislature does not secure a majority, and I will seek their understanding and support.

由此可以看得出來，如果朝小野大再次發生，台灣在面臨中國的挑戰以及全球數位轉型、淨零轉型，以及要解決國內許多重大問題都會非常困難。我身為民主進步黨的黨主席，也是總統候選人，我沒有其他選擇，我就是要全力以赴，不僅僅總統副總統要高票當選，國會一定要過半。我會把國會如果沒有過半對台灣的衝擊和影響，跟全國民眾報告清楚，爭取他們的認同跟支持。 

The third point is about Bi-khim and me. We have known each other for twenty to thirty years, both hailing from Tainan. We have previously worked together in the Legislative Yuan, so we have a very good understanding of each other. Among the three pairs of candidates, Bi-khim and I have a deep affection for Taiwan and a strong sense of mission. Also, in the fields of domestic and foreign affairs, we are the candidates who have received the most comprehensive training and have been tested in various ways. If we lead the country, Taiwan can continue to move forward steadily without any delays. Furthermore, if the two of us lead the country, our direction for the nation will be 'Trust in Taiwan, Step into the World, and Move Towards the Future.' We will definitely not revert to the One-China Principle or lock ourselves into the old path of being constrained by China.

第三點是美琴，我跟他認識已經二、三十年了，我們都來自台南，我們過去在立法院也擔任同事過，所以我們有很好的默契。我跟美琴是三組候選人當中，對台灣這塊土地有很深厚的感情也有非常強烈的使命感。第二個，我跟美琴在內政外交各個國政領域，是受過最完整訓練也通過各種考驗的一組候選人，如果我們能夠領導國家，台灣可以很穩健的繼續往前走，不會有任何的耽擱。第三個是如果我們兩個人領導國家，我們代表的國家方向，就是「信賴台灣、走入世界、迎向未來」，絕對不會走回一個中國原則，鎖進中國這條老路。 

Bi-khim is extremely capable; she has served four terms as a legislator, which many people in Taiwan may not be aware of. She has been a legislator for four terms, served as an advisor to the National Security Council, and has also been the ambassador to the United States. In the future, I will fully leverage Bi-khim's expertise to assist me in advancing national policies. Next, we will have Bi-khim respond.

美琴非常優秀，她當過四任的立法委員，台灣很多人不知道，她前後當過四任的立法委員，當過國安會諮詢委員，還有擔任駐美的大使，未來我會好好借重美琴的專業，協助我推動國政，接下去我們請美琴來回答。 

A6. 蕭美琴：

Thank you for your question. Regarding the question about the role of the Vice President, in the Constitution of the Republic of China, the Vice President is positioned as the deputy head of state. Therefore, all tasks of the Vice President are primarily based on the duties authorized by the President. During the process of Vice President Lai inviting me to join him as a running mate and our discussions, Vice President Lai specifically mentioned that he wants to leverage not only my early experience in grassroots management and election campaigning, but also the expertise I have accumulated in international diplomatic affairs.

有關副總統角色的提問，在中華民國憲法上，副總統的定位就是備位元首，所以副總統所有的任務都是要以總統所授權的任務為主。在賴副總統邀請我一起搭檔參選、我們討論的過程當中，賴副總統有特別提到，要借重我不只是早年曾經在基層經營過、參選的經驗，同時還有我在國際外交事務所累積的歷練。 

I believe that the trust on the international stage, including the trust many international friends have in President Tsai, is the result of a long-term accumulation. Accumulating such trust is not easy, and we will carry this same trust and these accumulated experiences into our future work, including managing our foreign relations. Vice President Lai and I share a strong mission towards Taiwan's democracy and our peace. We both cherish the hard-won democracy and freedom of Taiwan. This is also the commitment and the goal that our DPP has steadfastly pursued and struggled for over decades.

我覺得國際上的信任，包含很多國際友人對蔡總統的信賴，是長時間累積的成果。信任的累積很不簡單，我們也會帶著同樣的信任，以及長期所累積的這些經驗，來投入未來的工作，包含經營我們的對外關係。我跟賴副總統一樣都對台灣的民主和我們的和平，有非常強烈的使命，我們都珍惜台灣得來不易的民主自由，這也是我們兩位所屬的民主進步黨，數十年來的堅持以及奮鬥的目標。 

But of course, Taiwan is now facing a more complex international environment. We are confronted with many changes on the global stage, including challenges in global geopolitics and numerous global and transnational issues. We are also facing a transformation of the global economic structure. Therefore, ensuring that Taiwan continues to play a key role in the global economy and supply chain, and maintaining Taiwan's strong economic vitality and competitiveness, I believe, is a common goal we will work towards in the future. Strengthening Taiwan's economic power and integrating with the international community is essential. I am confident that with my past experiences and the deep partnerships I have established in Washington D.C., I will continue to assist our President Lai in strengthening Taiwan's capabilities and forging more international friendships. Thank you.

當然，台灣現在所面對的國際環境更複雜，我們面對了許多的國際變局，包含全球地緣政治的挑戰，也包含許多全球性跨國性議題的挑戰，當然我們也面臨全球經濟結構的轉型，所以如何確保台灣持續在全球的經濟，以及供應鏈當中扮演關鍵的角色，維持台灣強盛的經濟活力和競爭力，我相信也是未來，我們共同努力的目標。台灣的經濟實力要壯大，接軌國際是必要的，我相信以我過去的一些經驗跟歷練，以及我在華府建立的非常深厚的合作夥伴關係，未來會繼續的協助我們的賴總統，來壯大台灣的實力以及結交更多的國際友人，謝謝。 

Q7. Richard Walker（DW）：

Richard Walker from DW in Berlin, I would just like to ask you, Vice President Lai, about the role of deterrence in cross-strait relations. And it's placed alongside other aspects, such as the need for dialogue, de-escalation, and so on. We've been speaking to the Kuomintang this week; we spoke to the last Kuomintang president, Ma Ying-jeou, yesterday and asked him this question. And he said that deterrence, for him, appears to be secondary to the importance of dialogue and de-escalation. And I'm just going to quote here from what he said, and I would like to hear your response. He said, "No matter how much you defend yourself, you can never fight a war with the mainland—you can never win. They're too large, much stronger than us. So we should use non-military means to reduce the tension." Could you respond to that? Do you agree with former President Ma Ying-jeou that dialogue and de-escalation are more important than deterrence? Thank you.

我是來自柏林的DW，我想請教賴副總統認為威懾在兩岸關係中扮演的角色，以及它與對話、衝突降溫等其他層面的關係。我們本週與中國國民黨進行對話，昨天我們問了國民黨前總統馬英九這個問題，他說，對他而言，威懾的重要性似乎次於對話和降溫。我引述他的話，然後想聽聽您的回應。他說：「無論你如何提升自我防衛，你永遠不能與大陸交戰——你永遠不能贏。他們太大，比我們強大得多。所以我們應該使用非軍事手段以減緩緊張態勢。」您對此有何回應？您是否同意前總統馬英九的觀點，即對話和降溫比威懾更為重要？謝謝。 

賴A7：

Thank you for your question. The content of Ma Ying-jeou's response to you is not much different from the message he has conveyed in society in the past. Bi-khim and I will continue to follow the policies of President Tsai Ing-wen, which have been highly affirmed internationally, with a dual approach. As I mentioned earlier, peace is priceless, and there are no winners in war; peace is the only option. Therefore, as long as there is equality and dignity, Taiwan's door is always open. We are willing to engage in dialogue and cooperation with China to promote the welfare of the people on both sides of the Strait and thereby stabilize peace in the Taiwan Strait.

馬英九回答你的內容，跟他過去在社會傳達的訊息，其實相差不大，那我跟美琴會繼續沿著蔡英文總統過往深受國際肯定的政策，主要是雙管齊下。我剛剛有提到，和平無價、戰爭沒有贏家，和平是唯一的選項。所以只要對等尊嚴，台灣的門永遠都是開著，願意跟中國來進行交流合作，促進兩岸人民的福祉，也藉此來穩定台海和平。 

We have ideals about peace, but we cannot be delusional. Accepting China's One-China Principle is not real peace. Peace without sovereignty, as in Hong Kong, is a false peace. Therefore, our stance is to build a power of deterrence. This includes strengthening our national defense capabilities, whether in terms of military procurement or bolstering our defense autonomy. Over the past seven to eight years under President Tsai Ing-wen's leadership, we have increased our defense budget. We have also reinstated mandatory military service to one year and engaged in various exchanges and cooperation with the United States and internationally, to enhance Taiwan's ability to protect our nation and to convey to the international community Taiwan's determination to defend our country.

我們對和平有理想，但不能有幻想，接受中國一中原則的主張，那不是真正的和平，沒有主權的和平就跟香港一樣是假和平，所以我們的主張是要建立威懾的力量，這包括要強化國防力量，不管是對軍事採購或者是強化國防自主，過去七八年來，蔡英文總統領導之下，我們把國防預算提高，同時我們也把義務兵役恢復到一年，也跟美國跟國際進行各項交流合作，以提升台灣保護國家的力量，也向國際社會傳達台灣保衛自己國家的決心。 

Secondly, we are continuously strengthening our economic power, especially in the face of geopolitical changes and the restructuring of global supply chains. Taiwan needs to expand our industrial advantages and secure our position in the supply chain. This is to ensure that Taiwan's economy not only develops but also possesses resilience and becomes more secure.

第二個就是我們也不斷地強化我們的經濟實力，特別是在地緣政治變化、全球供應鏈重組，台灣要擴大我們的產業優勢、站穩供應鏈，讓台灣的經濟不僅僅發展、還要有韌性，而且要更安全。 

The third point is to strengthen cooperation with the international community. As Bi-khim just mentioned, we are very willing to stand shoulder to shoulder with the democratic camp to exert a deterrent power. This means that our pursuit of peace relies on strength, not on the goodwill of aggressors, which is unreliable. Past examples in Tibet, Xinjiang, or present-day Hong Kong demonstrate this. Former President Ma Ying-jeou, during his eight-year tenure, accepted the 1992 Consensus and relegated national defense and security to a secondary position, consequently neglecting the strength of our national security.

第三個就是能夠跟國際社會加強合作，包括美琴剛剛所回答的，我們很樂意跟民主陣營肩並肩站在一起，發揮威懾的力量，也就是說我們追求和平是靠實力，不是靠侵略者的善意，侵略者的善意是靠不住的，過往西藏、新疆，或現在的香港，都是很好的例子。馬英九前總統過去在他八年的任內，他接受九二共識，他把國防國安的工作擺在次要的地位，也因此荒廢了我們國安的力量。 

When the DPP first came to power, former President Ma Ying-jeou, who was then the chairman of the KMT, led the opposition to Taiwan's arms procurement case. From these various instances, it is evident that the direction we – Bi-khim and I – advocate for the nation is different from that advocated by the opposition party, the KMT. Thank you.

民進黨第一次執政的時候，馬英九前總統是國民黨的黨主席，就是他領軍阻擋台灣的軍購案，所以由此種種可以看得出來，在國家的方向上，我們兩個——我跟美琴所主張的國家方向，跟在野黨國民黨所主張的國家方向是不同的，以上說明，謝謝你。 

Q8. Nicholas Kristof（New York Times）：

Thank you very much. And thanks for meeting us. Nicholas Kristof from the New York Times. Vice President Lai, you emphasize the importance of continuing the status quo and preserving peace and stability in the region. I guess I wonder how sustainable you see that status quo as being. And doesn't that status quo, in turn, have to adapt to behaviors that China takes? And aren't elements of that status quo—from the national anthem to the Constitution to geographic claims—don't they leave many people in Taiwan uncomfortable in ways that . . . So I guess I wonder, as president, how you navigate the pressure internationally on Taiwan not to leave the status quo, with the fact that elements of that status quo have to respond and adapt over time.

賴副總統，您強調維持現狀及維護區域和平穩定的重要性，我想請教您如何看待現狀的可持續性，這種現狀是否須就中國的行為進行調整？從國歌、到憲法、再到領土主張，這些現狀的元素不會讓許多台灣人感到不自在嗎？因此我想請教，作為總統，在這些現狀元素必須與時俱進的同時，您將如何應對國際要求台灣繼續維持現狀的壓力？ 

賴A8：

Thank you for your valuable question. Maintaining the status quo in the Taiwan Strait aligns with the common interests of Taiwan, China, and the international community. The peace and stability of the Taiwan Strait is not merely an issue between Taiwan and China; it has now become an issue of international concern.

謝謝你寶貴的問題，台海維持現狀是符合台灣、中國還有國際社會的共同利益，台海的和平穩定也不是台灣單純跟中國的問題而已，現在已經是國際社會的問題。 

Therefore, in last year's G7 Summit, Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida particularly emphasized that Taiwan's security issue is a global issue, and peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait are essential elements for global security and the prosperity and development of the world. Taiwan, positioned on the first island chain in the Indo-Pacific, faces threats from China. Of course, it is our inescapable responsibility to fulfill our duties, and I am committed to maintaining the status quo in the Taiwan Strait.

所以在去年七大工業國領袖會議當中，岸田文雄特別強調，台灣的安全問題是全世界的問題，台海的和平穩定是全球安全跟繁榮發展的必要元素。台灣站在印太第一島鏈面對中國的威脅，當然我們責無旁貸，要善盡我們的責任，我也要去維持的台海現狀。 

Taiwan's approaches to maintaining the status quo in the Taiwan Strait are as follows: First, as I have just reported, I will implement the Four Pillars of Peace plan that I proposed. Second, we will continue President Tsai Ing-wen's steady policies in diplomacy, national defense, and cross-strait relations. Third, we have no plans to declare independence because Taiwan is already a sovereign and independent nation. The Republic of China (Taiwan) is already a sovereign, independent country, so there is no need for a declaration of independence.

台灣維持台海現狀的幾個做法：第一個，就是我剛剛跟大家報告的，我會落實我提出來的和平四大支柱方案；第二個，也會延續蔡英文總統穩健的外交國防兩岸政策；第三個，我們並沒有任何計劃，因為台灣已經是一個擁有主權、獨立的國家，沒有另行宣布獨立的必要，中華民國台灣已經是一個主權獨立的國家，沒有另行宣布獨立的必要。 

In addition to Taiwan's responsibility to maintain the status quo, I am also very pleased and grateful for the international community's continued attention to peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait. If the international community's focus persists, I believe it will be conducive to maintaining the status quo in the Taiwan Strait.

另外維持現狀，除了台灣要善盡責任以外，我也很高興也很感謝國際社會持續關注台海的和平穩定，如果國際的力量能夠持續關注，我相信有助於維持台海的現狀。 

China also has a responsibility, as I mentioned in my opening remarks. We hope that China can return to the track of international order and fulfill its responsibilities, as this is necessary to maintain the status quo in the Taiwan Strait. The international situation is changing, including if I am re-elected as president. This would demonstrate that the direction supported by the will of the people of Taiwan is to trust in Taiwan and continue engaging with the world. This provides China with an opportunity to review its policy towards Taiwan. If the opposition party is elected, especially under the circumstances of China's threats and interference in the election, it is unlikely that China will change its current policy towards Taiwan or in the Indo-Pacific region. Therefore, my election would help create a new scenario in the Indo-Pacific, allowing Taiwan, China, and the international community to stabilize the status quo in the Taiwan Strait and foster peaceful development in the Indo-Pacific region.

中國也有責任，就是一開始我開場的時候有跟大家報告，我們希望中國能夠回到國際秩序的軌道上面來，也能夠善盡中國的責任，這樣才有辦法。國際情勢在改變，包括如果我繼續當選總統，那也可以說明台灣的民意所支持的國家方向，是信賴台灣、持續走進世界，中國就有機會檢討他們的對台政策。如果是在野黨當選，而且是在中國的威脅介入這場選舉之下當選，那中國是不可能改變他們目前對台政策，或者是在印太的政策。所以我當選是有助於在印太創造一個新的局面，讓台灣、中國還有國際社會，在新的局面下能夠穩定台海的現狀以及印太的和平發展。
（Source：DPP Mission in USA）